Operation Tidal Wave: Looking Closer at Florida’s Multi-Agency Immigration Crackdown 700-800 Arrested

Overview:
A sprawling, multi-agency immigration enforcement blitz dubbed “Operation Tidal Wave” swept across Florida last week, resulting in the arrests of nearly 800 undocumented immigrants in its first four days and signaling a dramatic escalation of enforcement under the Trump administration. Characterized by U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) officials as a “massive” and “first-of-its-kind partnership” between federal, state, and local authorities, the operation deployed a vast network of officers across major Florida cities, including Miami, Orlando, Tampa, and Jacksonville.
While initial reports focused on the sheer number of arrests – figures hovered around 780 to 800 – the operation’s significance lies in its methodology and the political forces driving it. Officials, including Florida Governor Ron DeSantis and Acting ICE Director Todd Lyons, lauded the operation as a success focused on enhancing public safety by targeting “criminal aliens” and individuals deemed threats. Lyons stated the aim was to “secure communities in neighborhoods and remove public safety threats”. High-profile arrests highlighted by ICE included a Colombian national convicted of homicide, alleged MS-13 and 18th Street gang members from Guatemala and Honduras, and a Russian national sought via Interpol for vehicular manslaughter.
However, the operation’s mechanics suggest a broader net was cast. Central to “Tidal Wave” was the extensive use of Section 287(g) of the Immigration and Nationality Act. This federal provision allows ICE to deputize state and local law enforcement officers to perform certain immigration enforcement functions. Florida, under Governor DeSantis, has aggressively embraced these agreements, spurred by state laws like SB 1808 (2022) which mandated county jails enter into 287(g) partnerships. By April 2025, Florida led the nation with over 200 agencies—including county sheriffs, city police, and even university campus police—signed onto 287(g) agreements, with dozens more pending. State agencies like the Florida Department of Law Enforcement (FDLE), Florida Fish and Wildlife Conservation Commission (FWC), and the Florida State Guard were also directed to participate.
This created a vast “force multiplier” for ICE, turning routine state and local police work into potential immigration enforcement actions. Compounding this effect was the Trump administration’s reinstatement of “collateral arrests”. This controversial policy allows officers to detain any undocumented individual encountered during an operation, even if they were not the original target and have no criminal record. Incoming White House border czar Tom Homan explicitly linked increased collateral arrests to operations in jurisdictions perceived as uncooperative.
While officials emphasized the removal of criminals, data revealed that over 275 of the initial arrests were individuals targeted solely because they had final orders of removal – a civil immigration violation. The use of collateral arrests, combined with the sheer number of deputized officers and the administration’s rescission of protections for “sensitive locations” like schools and hospitals , fueled widespread fear in immigrant communities. The arrest of an active-duty U.S. Coast Guardsman’s wife in Key West over an expired visa during the same period underscored the operation’s potential reach beyond serious criminals.
“It’s going to break up families,” Tessa Petit, executive director of the Florida Immigrant Coalition, told The New York Times, arguing the operation contradicted Florida’s welcoming history. Thomas Kennedy, spokesperson for the coalition, characterized the effort as state government “forcing local police departments to conduct immigration enforcement” and “terrorizing undocumented people”. Advocates warned of eroding trust between communities and police, potentially making areas less safe if residents fear reporting crimes. Concerns were also raised about potential labor shortages in key sectors like agriculture and construction.
The operation unfolded against a backdrop of intense political rhetoric. Governor DeSantis hailed the crackdown as delivering “big results” , while state Attorney General James Uthmeier threatened investigations against local officials hesitant to fully cooperate with ICE. High-level Trump administration officials framed “Tidal Wave” as part of a national mass deportation strategy, with Homeland Security Secretary Kristi Noem warning undocumented immigrants to “LEAVE NOW” or face being “hunted down, arrested, and deported”. Assistant Secretary Tricia McLaughlin described the Florida operation pointedly as a “preview of what’s to come throughout the nation”.
Operation Tidal Wave highlights a potent model of state-federal cooperation in immigration enforcement, distinct from Texas’s state-funded Operation Lone Star. While Texas focuses on direct state action at the border, Florida’s approach leverages federal authority (287(g)) amplified by state mandates and resources to conduct large-scale interior enforcement.
Ultimately, Operation Tidal Wave stands as a stark example of how federal immigration policy, amplified by aligned state action, can rapidly reshape the enforcement landscape. While presented by officials as a targeted public safety measure, the operation’s broad scope, controversial tactics, and the palpable fear it generated within communities reveal a complex reality driven by a determined push for mass removals, leaving a significant impact on the lives of individuals and the social fabric of Florida.
Looking Closer:
Section 1: Introduction: Unveiling ‘Operation Tidal Wave’ in Florida
1.1 Setting the Scene
In late April 2025, news emerged of a significant immigration enforcement initiative sweeping across Florida, dubbed “Operation Tidal Wave”.1 Initial reports detailed a concentrated, four-day effort resulting in the arrests of nearly 800 undocumented migrants, signaling a major escalation in enforcement activities within the state.1 The operation involved a coordinated deployment of federal, state, and local law enforcement resources, described by U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) officials as a “massive, multi-agency, immigration enforcement crackdown”.4
1.2 Clarifying the Scope: Statewide Operation vs. Marion County Focus
While the initial query prompting this investigation centered on Marion County, Florida, the available evidence drawn from contemporary reporting indicates that “Operation Tidal Wave” was a broader, statewide initiative.4 Reports confirm arrests occurred across multiple major Florida cities, including Miami, Orlando, Tampa, Jacksonville, and Fort Myers.9 Marion County Sheriff’s Office (MCSO) does maintain an active partnership with ICE through a formal Memorandum of Agreement (MOA) under section 287(g) of the Immigration and Nationality Act (INA), specifically focusing on identifying and processing deportable individuals within its jail facilities.15 Therefore, while MCSO was likely involved to the extent defined by its agreement within its jurisdiction, Operation Tidal Wave itself was not confined to Marion County but represented a coordinated statewide push involving numerous participating agencies.4 This report will analyze the operation within this statewide context, referencing Marion County’s specific documented role where applicable.
1.3 Investigative Framework
This report provides an in-depth investigation into Operation Tidal Wave, drawing exclusively from the available documentation and reporting. It aims to comprehensively address the operation’s confirmation, stated objectives and legal justifications, enforcement methods, the profile of those arrested, the impacts on individuals and communities, the diverse reactions from stakeholders, the surrounding legal and policy environment, and its significance when compared to other large-scale immigration enforcement actions in the United States.
1.4 Identifying the Core Conflict
The documentation surrounding Operation Tidal Wave reveals a significant tension. On one hand, law enforcement officials presented the operation as a necessary measure to enhance public safety by targeting and removing individuals deemed “criminal aliens” or threats.5 On the other hand, reports from immigrant communities and advocacy groups depict an atmosphere of pervasive fear, disruption, and eroding trust, fueled by the operation’s scale and tactics.4 This fundamental conflict between the official narrative and the lived experiences of affected communities forms a central thread of this investigation.
Section 2: Confirmation and Objectives: The Official Narrative
2.1 Confirming the Operation
Multiple news sources and official statements confirm the execution of “Operation Tidal Wave” in Florida during the last week of April 2025.1 The operation commenced on a Monday and initial reports covered the first four days, though some sources indicate it continued through Saturday.5 Geographically, it spanned the state, with specific mentions of South Florida, Miami, Orlando, Tampa, Jacksonville, Stuart, Tallahassee, and Fort Myers.1 The scale was consistently reported as involving nearly 800 arrests (figures cited include “nearly 800,” “780,” and “over 750”) within that initial period.1 ICE’s Miami office characterized the initiative as a “massive, multi-agency, immigration enforcement crackdown” and a “highly successful” operation, highlighting it as a “first-of-its-kind partnership between state and federal partners”.4
2.2 Stated Objectives
Officials articulated several primary objectives for Operation Tidal Wave. The most frequently cited goal was enhancing public safety by targeting and removing individuals described as “criminal aliens,” public safety threats, or national security risks.5 Acting ICE Director Todd Lyons explicitly stated the aim was to “secure communities in neighborhoods and remove public safety threats”.5 Enforcement of existing immigration laws and addressing the broader issue of illegal immigration were also presented as key drivers.4 A specific focus was placed on apprehending individuals with final orders of removal, meaning those who had already been through immigration court proceedings and ordered deported.5 Furthermore, the operation was explicitly framed within the context of President Donald Trump’s administration’s broader agenda of mass deportation.3 Florida Governor Ron DeSantis publicly praised the operation, calling it “an example of FL and (the Department of Homeland Security) partnering to deliver big results on immigration enforcement and deportations”.4
2.3 Legal Justification
The primary legal authority invoked to justify the extensive involvement of state and local law enforcement was Section 287(g) of the Immigration and Nationality Act (INA).4 Enacted in 1996, this provision authorizes the Secretary of Homeland Security (delegated to ICE) to enter into written agreements (Memoranda of Agreement, or MOAs) with state or political subdivisions, allowing designated state and local officers to perform certain functions of federal immigration agents.15 This delegation was presented as the cornerstone of the “first-of-its-kind” partnership. Additionally, Florida state laws played a crucial role. Legislation passed in 2022 (SB 1808) mandated that county correctional facilities enter into 287(g) agreements, and the state’s anti-sanctuary city policies were used to pressure broader local cooperation.4
2.4 The Narrative of “Public Safety” vs. Broad Enforcement
A careful examination of the stated objectives and the operational realities reveals a complex picture. Officials consistently emphasized the operation’s focus on “public safety” and the removal of “criminal aliens”.5 This narrative aligns with common justifications for immigration enforcement, appealing to public concerns about crime. However, the operational parameters suggest a wider scope. The explicit targeting of individuals with final deportation orders—a civil immigration violation, not necessarily indicative of a separate criminal conviction—accounted for a substantial portion of the arrests.5 Moreover, the operation occurred under Trump administration policies that reinstated “collateral arrests”.9 This policy allows officers to detain any undocumented individual they encounter during an enforcement action, even if that person was not the original target and has no criminal record.20 This suggests a dual purpose: while highlighting public safety threats, the methods employed facilitated a much broader sweep, consistent with the administration’s stated goal of mass deportation that extends beyond targeting only those with serious criminal histories.9 The public justification focusing narrowly on criminality may not fully capture the operation’s extensive reach and impact on the wider immigrant population.
Section 3: Methods of Enforcement: The Mechanics of the Crackdown
3.1 The 287(g) Framework
The cornerstone of Operation Tidal Wave’s multi-agency structure was the 287(g) program.4 This federal provision allows ICE to delegate specific immigration enforcement authorities to trained and certified state and local law enforcement personnel through formal MOAs.15 Several models exist under 287(g): the Jail Enforcement Model (JEM), focusing on identifying removable individuals already in local custody; the Task Force Model, which deputizes officers to perform limited immigration functions during their routine patrol duties; and the Warrant Service Officer (WSO) model, authorizing local officers to serve federal immigration warrants within their jails.15 Florida has embraced these agreements extensively, particularly under the Trump 2.0 administration, which saw a reported 371% nationwide increase in such partnerships.5 As of early 2025, Florida led the nation with the most 287(g) agreements; roughly half of the 321 new agreements signed nationally that year were in Florida, and 71 of 107 pending applications were from Florida agencies.9 A significant portion of Florida’s agreements utilized the Task Force model, allowing widespread field enforcement capabilities.13
The Marion County Sheriff’s Office provides a concrete example of these local agreements. MCSO operates under a WSO model 287(g) agreement, signed in 2019.15 Its stated purpose is narrowly defined: “to promote public safety by facilitating the custodial transfer of specific aliens in Marion County’s jail/correctional facilities to ICE for removal purposes at the time of the alien’s scheduled release from criminal custody”.15 The delegated functions for trained MCSO personnel are limited to serving federal warrants of arrest for immigration violations and warrants of removal within the jail setting, specifically to effectuate the transfer to ICE custody.15 This type of agreement, replicated across many Florida counties due to state mandates 23, formed the bedrock upon which the larger, statewide Operation Tidal Wave was built.
3.2 Multi-Agency Collaboration
Operation Tidal Wave was characterized by its extensive inter-agency cooperation. ICE led the effort, but critically relied on state and local partners.4 Participating state agencies, acting under newly signed MOAs directed by Governor DeSantis, included the Florida Department of Law Enforcement (FDLE), the Florida Fish and Wildlife Conservation Commission (FWC), and the Florida State Guard.4 The Florida Highway Patrol and the Florida Department of Agricultural Law Enforcement were also involved.4 At the local level, over 200 county sheriff’s offices, municipal police departments, and even university campus police forces had entered into collaboration agreements with ICE by April 2025, with over 70 more pending.4 U.S. Customs and Border Protection (CBP) was also credited with providing “extraordinary support” to the operation.7
3.3 Targeting and Tactics
The operation employed specific targeting criteria and enforcement tactics. Primary targets included individuals with final orders of removal, those deemed threats to public safety or national security, and broadly defined “criminal aliens”.5 State and local officers participating under 287(g) agreements acted as a “force multiplier” for ICE, serving as “eyes and ears” during their routine law enforcement duties to identify potential targets.5
A significant tactical element was the documented reinstatement and use of “collateral arrests”.9 This practice, largely banned under the previous Biden administration but revived under Trump 2.0, allows officers to arrest and detain any undocumented individual they encounter incidentally during an operation, even if that person was not the original target and lacks a criminal record.20 Incoming White House border czar Tom Homan explicitly stated that collateral arrests would increase in sanctuary cities where local cooperation was limited, as ICE would be forced to conduct more community-based enforcement actions.21
Operation Tidal Wave’s geographic reach covered numerous Florida metropolitan areas.9 Furthermore, the Trump administration’s rescission of policies protecting “sensitive locations” (like schools, hospitals, and places of worship) from immigration enforcement actions created the potential for arrests in these previously off-limits areas, heightening community fears.19
3.4 The Amplifying Effect of 287(g) and Collateral Arrests
The synergy between Florida’s widespread adoption of 287(g) agreements and the federal policy permitting collateral arrests created a potent combination that significantly amplified the operation’s potential impact. With hundreds of state and local agencies participating, many under the Task Force model allowing field enforcement during routine duties 4, the number of officers empowered to perform immigration functions vastly increased beyond federal ICE personnel. The collateral arrest policy then equipped these officers (and ICE agents) with the authority to detain any undocumented person encountered during any enforcement interaction, not just those specifically targeted.9 This mechanism transformed routine police activities, such as traffic stops or responses to minor incidents, into potential immigration enforcement actions for anyone present who lacked legal status, irrespective of their criminal history or the initial reason for the police interaction. This dynamic dramatically expanded the operation’s de facto reach beyond the officially stated targets and likely contributed significantly to the climate of fear and uncertainty reported within immigrant communities across Florida.4
Section 4: The Arrested: Profile and Processing
4.1 Arrest Statistics
Initial reports consistently placed the number of arrests during the first four days of Operation Tidal Wave at nearly 800, with specific figures like 780 also cited.1 A significant subset of these individuals, reported as more than 275, were arrested based on having final orders of removal from an immigration judge.5
4.2 Profile of Detainees (Based on Limited Examples)
Comprehensive demographic data on all individuals arrested during Operation Tidal Wave is not available in the provided materials. However, official releases and news reports highlighted specific cases, often emphasizing criminal backgrounds or gang affiliations.7 Examples include:
- Jose Sanchez Reyes, a Colombian national reportedly convicted of homicide in Colombia.
- Rafael Juarex Cabrera, a Guatemalan national alleged to be an MS-13 gang member with multiple illegal reentries and a prior felony reentry conviction.
- Savva Klishchevskii, a Russian national subject to an Interpol Red Notice for vehicular manslaughter.
- Aron Isaak Morazan-Izaguirre, a Honduran national described as a known or suspected terrorist member of the 18th Street gang with alleged prior illegal reentries.
Contrasting with these high-profile criminal cases, the arrest of an active-duty U.S. Coast Guardsman’s wife in Key West over an expired visa during the same timeframe illustrates the operation’s potential reach beyond individuals with serious criminal records.1 The lack of broad demographic data, combined with the known use of collateral arrests and the significant number arrested solely on final removal orders, raises concerns about the overall composition of the detained population. Data from ICE operations shortly before Tidal Wave indicated a substantial percentage (41% in one early February 2025 report) of detainees nationwide lacked criminal convictions or pending charges, suggesting a potential pattern where non-criminals constitute a significant portion of those swept up in large-scale enforcement actions.33
4.3 Operation Tidal Wave Arrest Summary (April 2025)
Category | Number Reported | Source | Notes |
Total Arrests (First 4 Days) | ~780-800 | 1 | Represents initial reporting period; operation continued. |
Arrests with Final Orders of Removal | >275 | 5 | Individuals already ordered deported by an immigration judge. |
Examples Cited (Nationality/Allegation) | 4 individuals | 7 | Colombian (Homicide Conviction), Guatemalan (MS-13/Reentry), Russian (Interpol/Manslaughter), Honduran (18th St Gang/Reentry). |
Other Cited Arrest (Non-Criminal Immigration Violation) | 1 individual | 1 | Coast Guard spouse arrested for expired visa. |
Note: This table summarizes figures explicitly mentioned in the provided sources. Comprehensive demographic data was not available.
4.4 Post-Arrest Processing
Following arrest, individuals detained during Operation Tidal Wave would enter the immigration detention and removal system. Based on the 287(g) agreements, many would initially be held in county jails before potential transfer to ICE custody.15 ICE also utilizes dedicated facilities, such as the Glades County Jail, which was reportedly reactivated as a “staging area” for “flight ready removals” around this time, housing detainees awaiting imminent deportation.38 Those with final orders of removal faced expedited deportation.5 Others might face prosecution for immigration-related offenses like illegal reentry, a felony, often investigated jointly by ICE and local partners like MCSO under initiatives such as “Operation Take Back America”.40 ICE’s overall removal statistics provide context: in Fiscal Year (FY) 2024, ERO reported 271,484 removals, with over 30% having criminal charges or convictions; in FY 2023, over 142,000 noncitizens were removed.41
4.5 The Criminalization Narrative vs. Reality of Arrests
The public presentation of Operation Tidal Wave heavily emphasized the arrests of individuals with serious criminal histories and gang affiliations.7 This aligns strategically with the stated objective of enhancing public safety. However, the available data points suggest a more complex reality regarding the overall population detained. The fact that a large number (over 275 of the initial ~800) were targeted specifically for having final removal orders indicates that many arrests were based on civil immigration violations rather than separate criminal conduct.5 Combined with the policy allowing collateral arrests of non-targeted individuals encountered during the operation 31, it is highly probable that a significant number of those detained had no criminal background beyond immigration status violations. While the precise breakdown is unknown from the provided materials, the evidence suggests that the pool of arrestees was likely diverse, encompassing not only the dangerous individuals highlighted in official communications but also many whose primary offense was immigration-related. This broader scope aligns more closely with the administration’s parallel goal of achieving mass removals, rather than solely focusing on removing convicted criminals.
Section 5: Ripple Effects: Community Impact and Diverse Reactions
5.1 Impact on Individuals and Families
The implementation of Operation Tidal Wave sent shockwaves through Florida’s immigrant communities, generating widespread fear and anxiety.4 Advocates reported palpable fear not only among the undocumented but also among legal residents and U.S. citizens from minority groups concerned about racial profiling.19 The operation threatened the stability of families, raising the specter of sudden separation and deportation.9 Community organizations noted an increased need for families to create emergency plans, including designating power of attorney and arranging childcare in case of parental detention.18 The potential for trauma, particularly among children witnessing arrests or fearing family separation, was a significant concern.44 Furthermore, the rescission of protections for “sensitive locations” fueled worries that immigrants would avoid accessing essential services like healthcare, education for their children, or even attending church or funerals, for fear of encountering enforcement agents.19 Concerns were also raised about the adequacy of due process, particularly in the context of potentially expedited removal proceedings following large-scale arrests.9
5.2 Economic and Social Consequences
Beyond the immediate impact on individuals and families, Operation Tidal Wave raised concerns about broader economic and social consequences for Florida. Advocates warned that large-scale removals could exacerbate existing labor shortages, particularly in crucial sectors like agriculture, construction, and healthcare, where immigrant labor plays a significant role.4 Pierson, Florida, known as the “Fern Capital of the World,” relies heavily on migrant labor for its $80 million industry, highlighting the potential economic disruption.17 Socially, the aggressive enforcement tactics were seen as detrimental to community cohesion. Representatives from immigrant advocacy groups argued that such operations erode trust between immigrant communities and law enforcement, making residents less likely to report crimes or cooperate with police investigations, potentially undermining public safety in the long run.4 While direct costs for Operation Tidal Wave were not detailed, large-scale detention and deportation efforts inevitably carry significant financial burdens, diverting resources that could potentially be used for other community needs.45
5.3 Perspectives: Law Enforcement and Government Officials
Officials involved presented Operation Tidal Wave as a resounding success. ICE characterized it as a “highly successful,” “first-of-its-kind partnership” that effectively enhanced public safety through targeted enforcement.4 Acting ICE Director Todd Lyons lauded the “whole the government” approach, emphasizing the crucial role of state and local partners as “force multipliers”.5 Governor Ron DeSantis echoed this sentiment, framing the operation as proof of Florida’s effective collaboration with the federal government under the Trump administration to achieve “big results” in immigration enforcement.4 DeSantis and Florida Attorney General James Uthmeier also took a hard line against local jurisdictions perceived as uncooperative, issuing warnings and initiating investigations against city councils that hesitated to fully embrace 287(g) agreements, citing state law.9 High-level Trump administration officials, including Homeland Security Secretary Kristi Noem, border czar Tom Homan, and Assistant Secretary Tricia McLaughlin, situated the operation within the broader national strategy of mass deportation, issuing stark warnings for undocumented immigrants to self-deport or face arrest, and describing the Florida operation as a “preview of what’s to come throughout the nation”.9
5.4 Perspectives: Advocacy Groups and Community Members
Conversely, immigrant advocacy groups and community members voiced strong opposition and deep concern. The Florida Immigrant Coalition described the operation as the state government essentially coercing local police departments into becoming immigration agents, thereby terrorizing residents, creating fear, undermining community safety by discouraging crime reporting, and overburdening local police with duties outside their primary mission.4 Tessa Petit, the coalition’s executive director, called the operation “terrifying” and warned of its potential to “break up families,” arguing it contradicted Florida’s historical role as a welcoming state for immigrants.9 Alana Greer of the Community Justice Project stated that the heightened enforcement made simply “living your life and existing in this community… an extreme risk” for immigrants.13 Concerns about racial profiling impacting citizens and legal residents were also prominent.19 Some local officials found themselves caught in the middle, expressing discomfort or facing community backlash while feeling compelled by state mandates and threats to approve cooperation agreements with ICE, as seen in Doral and Fort Myers.4
5.5 The Politicization of Enforcement and Community Trust
Operation Tidal Wave unfolded within a highly charged political environment, clearly reflecting the priorities of aligned state and federal administrations. The strong rhetoric promoting mass deportation and strict enforcement from figures like Trump, DeSantis, Homan, and Noem set the stage.4 This political will was translated into action through state laws mandating 287(g) participation and administrative pressure on local entities to comply.9 This top-down approach, coupled with aggressive tactics like collateral arrests and the potential for enforcement in previously protected sensitive locations, directly contributed to the fear and anxiety reported by immigrant communities.4 The operation thus exemplifies how immigration enforcement can become deeply politicized, serving as a visible demonstration of a particular political agenda. This dynamic creates a stark contradiction: while officials claimed the operation enhanced public safety, the methods used and the resulting fear within communities arguably undermined trust in law enforcement, potentially making communities less safe if residents become unwilling to interact with police or report criminal activity.4 The official narrative of safety clashed profoundly with the community’s reported experience of heightened risk and insecurity.
Section 6: The Legal and Policy Backdrop
6.1 Federal Law: INA Section 287(g)
The legal linchpin enabling the extensive state and local participation in Operation Tidal Wave is Section 287(g) of the Immigration and Nationality Act.4 Added to the INA by the Illegal Immigration Reform and Immigrant Responsibility Act of 1996 (IIRAIRA), this provision explicitly authorizes the Department of Homeland Security (DHS), through ICE, to enter into Memoranda of Agreement (MOAs) with state and local law enforcement agencies (LEAs).23 These agreements delegate specific, limited federal immigration enforcement functions—such as investigating, apprehending, or detaining noncitizens—to designated, trained, and supervised state or local officers.15
6.2 Florida State Law
Florida’s state-level legal and policy framework created a uniquely receptive environment for large-scale 287(g) implementation. Key state actions included:
- SB 1808 (2022): This legislation mandated that every law enforcement agency operating a county detention facility in Florida enter into a 287(g) agreement with ICE, effectively eliminating local discretion for county jails.23
- Anti-Sanctuary City Policies: Existing state laws prohibiting “sanctuary” policies were invoked by state officials, including the Attorney General, to pressure local governments (like Fort Myers city council) into approving 287(g) agreements, even where not explicitly mandated by SB 1808.28
- Executive and Legislative Support (2025): Governor DeSantis actively directed state agencies (FDLE, FWC, State Guard) to enter into new 287(g) MOAs.25 The legislature passed SB 2C, providing significant state resources to support local agencies in collaborating with federal immigration enforcement efforts.29
- State Immigration Enforcement Council: Florida established this council, including sheriffs, to coordinate state efforts, liaise with ICE, guide local LEAs, and address detention capacity.29 By February 2025, the Florida Sheriffs Association announced that all 67 county jails were in compliance with 287(g) requirements.29
6.3 Trump Administration Policies (Trump 2.0 Context)
Operation Tidal Wave must be understood within the broader context of the Trump 2.0 administration’s immigration policies, which marked a significant shift towards more aggressive enforcement:
- Mass Deportation Goal: An explicit, frequently stated objective was to dramatically increase deportations.4
- Promotion of 287(g): The administration actively encouraged and expanded 287(g) partnerships nationwide, viewing them as essential force multipliers.5
- Reinstatement of Collateral Arrests: The policy allowing arrests of non-targeted undocumented individuals encountered during operations was revived, significantly broadening the potential scope of enforcement actions.9
- Elimination of “Sensitive Locations” Protections: Guidelines restricting enforcement actions at schools, hospitals, churches, and other sensitive locations were rescinded.19
- Increased Worksite Enforcement: Officials pledged a return to large-scale worksite raids.35
- Inter-Agency Collaboration: Directives encouraged other federal law enforcement agencies like the DEA, FBI, and ATF to assist in immigration enforcement efforts.46
- Exploration of Novel Authorities: The administration considered invoking older laws like the Alien Enemies Act of 1798 to facilitate removals.8
6.4 Convergence of State and Federal Agendas
Operation Tidal Wave stands out not merely as a federal initiative, but as a powerful example of state and federal agendas converging to amplify immigration enforcement. The Trump administration’s push for expanded 287(g) partnerships and aggressive tactics found exceptionally fertile ground in Florida, where state leadership under Governor DeSantis had already enacted laws mandating cooperation and applied political pressure to ensure widespread local participation.9 This unique alignment allowed for the mobilization of state resources (including state police and guard units) and hundreds of deputized local officers under federal authority.4 This synergy—federal authority combined with state legislative mandates, resources, and political will—created the conditions necessary for an operation of Tidal Wave’s scale and intensity. It represents a potent model for implementing federal immigration policy, leveraging state mechanisms to dramatically enhance federal enforcement capacity within state borders, likely explaining why officials termed it “first-of-its-kind” in its partnership structure.4
Section 7: Broader Context: Operation Tidal Wave and U.S. Immigration Enforcement
7.1 Significance
Operation Tidal Wave was presented by officials not just as a regional success, but as a significant development in U.S. immigration enforcement strategy. Its designation as “first-of-its-kind” stemmed directly from the unprecedented scale of the partnership between federal ICE agents and state/local law enforcement operating under 287(g) authority across an entire state.4 Furthermore, administration officials explicitly framed it as a “preview of what’s to come throughout the nation,” suggesting it was intended as a model for future large-scale interior enforcement operations leveraging state cooperation.9
7.2 Comparison: Operation Lone Star (Texas)
To understand Operation Tidal Wave’s place in the landscape of immigration enforcement, it is useful to compare it with Texas’s Operation Lone Star (OLS).
- Operation Lone Star (OLS): Launched by Governor Greg Abbott in 2021, OLS is primarily a state-funded and state-run border security initiative.49 It involves massive state expenditures (reported figures range from $11 billion to nearly $18 billion since 2021) to deploy thousands of state troopers and Texas National Guard members to the border.49 OLS employs controversial tactics such as constructing state-funded barriers (including razor wire in the Rio Grande), arresting migrants on state trespassing charges, and busing migrants to other states.50 Its focus is largely on border deterrence and asserting state authority in perceived gaps left by federal policy.49
- Operation Tidal Wave (Florida): In contrast, Tidal Wave was federally led by ICE, but its scale was achieved by leveraging existing state and local law enforcement resources deputized through the federal 287(g) program.4 Its focus was primarily on interior enforcement—arresting and removing individuals already within the state, often based on prior removal orders or criminal history, supplemented by collateral arrests.5 While involving state resources, the direct state financial outlay appears significantly less than OLS’s multi-billion dollar budget, with costs likely shared between the federal government and participating local agencies.28
- Similarities: Despite their differences, both operations represent significant state-level engagement in immigration enforcement, driven by Republican governors critical of federal immigration policies under the previous administration and/or aligned with the Trump administration’s harder line.4 Both have generated considerable controversy, sparked legal challenges, and induced fear within immigrant communities.4 Both also involve complex multi-agency coordination, albeit with different lead entities.
7.3 Comparison: Other ICE Raids/Enforcement
Operation Tidal Wave fits into a broader pattern of intensified ICE enforcement activity observed under the Trump 2.0 administration. While ICE historically conducts various types of enforcement, including fugitive operations and targeted arrests 39, the period surrounding Tidal Wave saw a marked shift towards larger-scale, highly visible operations.20 This included a renewed emphasis on worksite enforcement 35, increased operations in major cities, particularly “sanctuary” jurisdictions 21, and the systematic use of collateral arrests to boost numbers.31 Reports from the same period mention other significant raids across the country—including a raid on an alleged underground nightclub in Colorado involving multiple federal agencies 14, arrests of dairy workers in Vermont 16, a worksite raid at a roofing company in Washington state 55, and operations in Texas cities 46—indicating that Operation Tidal Wave was part of a nationwide escalation of enforcement actions aimed at fulfilling the administration’s mass deportation promises.
7.4 Models of State Involvement in Immigration Enforcement
The comparison between Florida’s Operation Tidal Wave and Texas’s Operation Lone Star highlights two distinct models through which states are increasingly asserting themselves in the domain of immigration enforcement, traditionally seen as a federal responsibility.
- The Texas Model (OLS): Direct State Action/Substitution: Texas represents a strategy of direct state intervention, particularly at the border. It involves creating and funding parallel state enforcement structures and initiatives (state barriers, state arrests for state charges like trespassing, state-funded transportation) to supplement or substitute for perceived federal inaction.49 This model requires substantial state financial investment and raises significant questions about state versus federal authority.
- The Florida Model (Tidal Wave): State-Facilitated Federal Enhancement: Florida’s approach, as exemplified by Tidal Wave, focuses on maximizing state and local participation within existing federal frameworks, primarily the 287(g) program.4 By using state laws and political pressure to mandate or strongly encourage local agencies to sign 287(g) agreements, Florida effectively deputizes its own law enforcement resources to act as a force multiplier for federal ICE operations, particularly in the interior of the state. This model leverages federal authority while integrating state resources, potentially shifting costs compared to the Texas model.
Recognizing these distinct strategic pathways—state substitution versus state-facilitated federal enhancement—is crucial for understanding the evolving dynamics of immigration federalism in the United States and the different ways states are seeking to influence or directly participate in immigration control.
Section 8: Conclusion
8.1 Summary of Findings
Operation Tidal Wave, conducted in Florida in late April 2025, represented a significant escalation of immigration enforcement activity within the state. Based on the available evidence, it was a large-scale, statewide operation led by ICE, arresting approximately 800 individuals in its initial days. Its “first-of-its-kind” nature stemmed from the unprecedented level of collaboration with state and local law enforcement agencies, heavily facilitated by Florida’s widespread adoption of federal 287(g) agreements, which were encouraged and, in some cases, mandated by state law. The operation’s stated objectives centered on public safety, targeting individuals with criminal records or final deportation orders. However, the methods employed—including the revival of “collateral arrests” and potential enforcement in previously protected “sensitive locations”—allowed for a much broader scope, aligning with the overarching Trump administration goal of mass deportation.
8.2 The Human Element and Conflicting Narratives
The operation starkly highlighted the conflict between official narratives and community experiences. While authorities emphasized the removal of dangerous individuals and the success of inter-agency cooperation, immigrant communities and their advocates reported pervasive fear, anxiety, and a breakdown of trust. The potential for racial profiling, family separation, and deterrence from accessing essential services underscored the profound human impact of such large-scale enforcement actions, challenging the notion that the operation solely enhanced public safety.
8.3 Florida as a Microcosm
Florida served as a crucial testbed for this intensified enforcement model. The unique convergence of federal policy priorities under the Trump 2.0 administration and Florida’s specific state laws (mandating 287(g) participation for county jails) and political alignment under Governor DeSantis created the necessary conditions for Operation Tidal Wave. This synergy between state and federal levels demonstrated a powerful mechanism for amplifying federal immigration enforcement capacity, potentially serving as a blueprint for similar initiatives in other states willing to adopt comparable legal and political postures.
8.4 Final Thoughts
Operation Tidal Wave was not an isolated event but a clear manifestation of a broader shift in U.S. immigration policy implementation under the Trump 2.0 administration. It exemplified key characteristics of this shift: the aggressive expansion of federal-state partnerships through programs like 287(g), the deployment of controversial tactics such as collateral arrests to maximize apprehension numbers, the erosion of previous enforcement limitations (like sensitive locations policies), and an unambiguous focus on accelerating deportations. As documented through contemporary reports, this operation signaled a determined effort to reshape the landscape of immigration enforcement, prioritizing removal and deterrence with significant consequences for communities across Florida and potentially, the nation.
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